The Shadow of Great Britain-Chapter 647 - 317: Napoleon, France, and the Russian Court_4

Arthur listened and simply replied with a smile, "You’re right, but the assumption, ’don’t take it seriously,’ applies only if I’m not involved. However, since you’re willing to take time out of your busy schedule to have a meal with me, you must share some insider news, right?"

Talleyrand tied his napkin and leisurely sliced his veal steak: "Young man, I’ve already revealed quite a bit. I’m not Napoleon, nor do I depend on popularity polls for my meals; I have no reason to engage in such activities. Napoleon might bribe Irish men to assassinate the king of Britain, but I would never do such foolish things."

Arthur asked, "Could you tell me more about Mr. Valevsky’s case? I must honestly tell you, the investigation of the Liverpool shooting isn’t entirely led by Scotland Yard. Parliament also has a special committee responsible for investigating this case, and the clues left by the assassins are too obvious; eventually, they will lead back to him."

"Hmm?" Talleyrand slightly lifted his head and looked at Arthur with a smile: "Not bad, you’re one of Scotland Yard’s most promising officers, nearly catching up to Victor’s speed. Valevsky, how did you come across this name? I thought Prince Chartoryski had already had Mr. Korwatzek’s house thoroughly cleaned up!"

Arthur had heard the name Prince Chartoryski before, the interim president of the Polish uprising government, the leader of the London-based Polish exiles, and one of the co-founders of the ’Friends of Polish Literature in Britain.’

When Arthur had agreed to publish Polish literature in "The British" previously, the editor had even received a thank you letter from him.

Arthur never imagined that he would be connected to an assassination.

Seeing that Arthur was silent, Talleyrand added, "But rest assured, the assassin wasn’t appointed by Prince Chartoryski. He had the house cleared to avoid unnecessary misunderstanding. After all, before his death, Korwatzek had served as Valevsky’s secretary. If his identity were exposed, it would not only be detrimental to Poland but would also further impact Brito-French relations."

"It seems that in addition to Scotland Yard and Parliament, the Polish exiles and the French Embassy are also interested in this case? Given this, perhaps you know the whereabouts of Mrs. Korwatzek?"

"Unfortunately. We only found his children. As for his wife, we also don’t know where she has gone."

Talleyrand started, "Young man, you must understand, France today is no longer the France of Napoleon’s era; we certainly want to maintain France’s position on the European Continent, but we are not acting outside the overall framework as before."

It’s been a long time since I expressed my view to Napoleon, and it hasn’t changed until now. France is already big enough; every future expansion, no matter how splendid the victory may be, always results in more losses than gains. The goal of France is to maintain its current borders and present peace; the size of France isn’t determined by its power nor by the ambition of politicians, but by the reality of Europe."

Our current government is indeed interested in Poland, but that is within the existing order framework of Europe. If France was truly interested in land, then we wouldn’t have allowed Prince Leopold, who had resided in Britain for so long, to become the king of Belgium last year."

Since France isn’t pursuing Belgium, why would it pursue control of Poland? We simply dislike the Russian wanting to claim Poland for themselves, thereby disrupting the balance of Europe."

In 1808, when Napoleon invaded Spain, the Russian ambassador in Paris, Mr. Tolstoy, exclaimed: ’Napoleon seems determined to eliminate all the old monarchs, devouring every piece of land he can, God knows what he’ll do after pacifying Spain; he is such a principle-less, greedy devil!’"

However, today, France has abandoned Napoleon’s expansionist practices, yet these Russians have picked it right back up. Arthur, I won’t talk to you about freedom or democracy; I just want to tell you, speaking out for Poland aligns with Britain’s interests."

Tsar Nicholas I and his brother Alexander I are not alike; in this regard, Prince Chartoryski, who has worked with both, has a strong authority to speak."

If you talk with the prince, you would hear from him: ’As I see it, Alexander I genuinely harbored grand ideals for public welfare, selfless emotional thoughts, and the desire to sacrifice part of the royal power for all this. However, these are merely fantasies of youth, not the determined will of a grown man. His Majesty liked the facade of freedom, as if enjoying a play. As long as he sees this facade of a free government in the empire, it is enough to satisfy his vanity and make him happy. However, he doesn’t expect these things to become reality. He would happily allow everyone to have freedom, provided that everyone voluntarily acts entirely according to the emperor’s wishes.’

Hearing this, Arthur, stroking his chin, asked: "If Alexander I was already that bad, what kind of man is Nicholas I?"

"Do we even need to talk about it?" Talleyrand cut another piece of veal and put it in his mouth, "He doesn’t even want to see the facade of freedom."