Holy Roman Empire-Chapter 1040 - 54, The Good Father of the Russian People

Chapter 1040 -54, The Good Father of the Russian People

No matter what, a successful plan is always a good thing. All things are difficult before they are easy, once the first step is taken, the rest of the path becomes easier.

As Grover Cleveland was preparing to initiate the next step of his plan, a pie fell from the sky and hit him square on the head.

The British hoped that the United States would take the lead in helping the Russians build the “Siberian Railway.”

On the surface, a common railway seemed trivial, but Grover Cleveland, with his rich political experience, immediately realized the associated risks and opportunities.

“Dividing the Russian-Austrian Alliance,” “enticing the Russians to expand eastward, easing the military pressure on British-India,” “scheming against the Russians”… A series of possibilities sprang to Grover Cleveland’s mind.

What consequences this would ultimately create, Grover Cleveland did not know. The only certainty was that the deteriorating relationships among the European powers were a good thing for the United States.

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There were advantages and disadvantages, and to “divert disaster southward”, provoking a standoff between England and Russia, the Vienna Government spared no expense to help the Russians build the Central Asia Railway.

All money was invested into it, and the plan was on the verge of success when suddenly, an interloper emerged. The Holy Roman Empire definitely would not sit idly by.

Although separated by an ocean, offending a top-tier power still posed a significant risk for the United States.

Even though the British Government promised to cover any failure, Grover Cleveland had not an ounce of faith in John Bull’s integrity.

After rubbing his forehead, Grover Cleveland asked, “What conditions did the British offer?”

Risks are not terrifying, and offending the Holy Roman Empire might be painful, but it would not be lethal for the United States; the real fear is having risks, but not receiving corresponding rewards.

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Even if the British did not intervene, the United States would still find a way to scheme against the Russian-Austrian relationship quietly, a topic not to be discussed openly.

“The British Government promises to withdraw from the Four Nations Alliance, stop the suppression against us, and additionally provide a ten million British Pounds interest-free loan,” replied Secretary of State Juan Trip expressionlessly. Clearly, he personally was not very interested in the conditions the British had offered.

From the moment the European wars ended, the so-called Alliance of England, France, Austria, and Spain had crumbled.

“Ceasing suppression” was a joke. The British pressure against the United States had been nominally dead for twenty years.

Now, there was even less need to mention it. The British didn’t have unlimited energy, with the Holy Roman Empire and the Russian Empire at the front, the London Government could hardly afford to suppress the United States.

The only thing of value was probably that “ten million British Pounds interest-free loan,” yet this ten million was not actually for them.

The United States was merely a middleman, and ultimately, this money would go into the Siberian Railway. They would not only earn nothing from it, but they could potentially lose a considerable amount.

One should know that lending to the Tsarist Government at this time was extremely high-risk; if one day the Russians went bankrupt again, their investment would be wasted.

Juan was sure that day would not be far. The French-Russian War had already begun, and the Tsarist Government was essentially on a countdown to bankruptcy.

Even if the European countries secretly supported them, and the Russians narrowly avoided this bankruptcy wave, once the strategies to move south or expand east commenced, the Tsarist Government would still face bankruptcy.

This was the lesson history taught, whenever there was a great war, Russia’s finances started their countdown.

Russia went bankrupt, but the ten million British Pounds loan from the United Kingdom, which bore no interest, still had to be repaid by the United States.

The London Government, after all, had failed to pacify Parliament, so the heavy responsibility of financially supporting the Russians could only be taken on by the United States, with the London Government only able to provide some compensation in other aspects.

Grover Cleveland nodded thoughtfully, “Oh, it seems the British have offered decent terms this time, at least not all empty promises.”

The tone laden with irony betrayed Grover Cleveland’s true feelings. Clearly, the compensation offered by the British did not satisfy him.

Understanding the look in his eyes, Secretary of State Juan Trip added, “Indeed, it’s quite good, but now we must ask for more.

Getting more from the British is nearly impossible, but it seems negotiable on the Russian side.

By providing manpower and effort to help them build the Siberian Railway, it is only logical to request a share of their profits in the Far Eastern region.”

Unlike the original timeline, the fragmented United States not only lacked abundant industrial raw materials, but its internal market had also significantly shrunk.

Looking to expand abroad, they tragically discovered that the world had been completely divided up.

They were surrounded by great powers, none of which were easy to provoke. If there were other choices, everyone wouldn’t be constantly fixated on the South.

Having no choice, compared to top-tier great powers like England and Austria, it was obviously easier to bully the southern United States.

The current “Siberian Railway Project” presented a new option for the United States. Since they could not continue to expand in America, they might as well spread their influence overseas.

After all, Russian industry was not developed; as investors in the Siberian Railway, it was no problem at all for the United States to reap some benefits from it.

Grover Cleveland remarked, “That’s an excellent suggestion. However, before this, we still need to deal with the Austrians.

Otherwise, their interference would complicate matters significantly. You know, the Russians already have the Central Asia Railway; their interest in the Siberian Railway might not be that strong.”

Although powerful, Russia could not focus on moving south and east simultaneously. During the same period, the Tsarist Government could only choose one as a national policy.

Clearly, the faction favoring southern expansion dominated within the Russian Empire. As for the strategy to expand east, although it had its supporters, the poor transportation had deterred most.

Juan laughed coldly, “Don’t worry, Mr. President. Nicholas II will handle the Tsarist Government for us. He is a strong advocate of the Yellow Russia plan.

Moreover, with the usual style of the Vienna Government, the Tsarist Government is stirring up trouble; not escalating it is already good enough, let alone preventing it.

You know, the French-Russian conflict has just begun, and the Central Asia Railway is still ongoing; if another Siberian Railway were to be constructed, with Russian Empire’s resources, continuing like this might…”

Russia-America friendship was usually just about chanting slogans. Juan didn’t feel the slightest moral pressure when plotting against the Russians.

Besides, it wasn’t all scheming. As long as the Tsarist Government could control its own ambition and prioritize properly,

they could totally wait for the French-Russian war to end and the Central Asia Railway to commence operations before starting construction on the Siberian Railway.

As long as they proceeded carefully and did not act rashly, with the size of the Russian Empire, no one could really do anything to them.

…

At the center of the vortex, Nicholas II was still unaware that a conspiracy against the Russian Empire was underway. At that moment, he was still basking in the great victory of the Russian Army.

The Russian Army stationed outside the city of Paris had already suppressed the French resistance fighters in the Paris region and now had complete control over the city of Paris.

It has always been said in the European world, “To control Paris is to control France.” Historically, the Russian Army’s occupation of Paris meant that victory in the war was not far off.

The victor is not blamed; as long as they won this war, not only could the Russian Army erase the chaos they had previously caused, but they could also take advantage of the situation to gain something extra.

Given such a great victory at the front, Nicholas II naturally had reason to be happy. The fact that he did not hold a banquet to celebrate was already a sign of his restraint.

Nobynonushev, “Your Majesty, our war with the French is far from over. Besides Paris, there are still numerous resistance organization members distributed throughout the country.

With just our forces in Paris, it’s nearly impossible to pacify all of France. To end the war quickly, we should still ask our allies for assistance!”

Someone dared to dampen the Tsar’s enthusiasm, which clearly showed that Nicholas II was not as tyrannical as described in textbooks. A true tyrant would not tolerate honest advice.

Of course, not being tyrannical does not mean Nicholas II was a wise ruler. Linking a monarch’s personal moral cultivation and governing capability was simply absurd.

“Ask our allies for help?”

“No!”

“Teacher, you worry too much. The France of today is not the France of Napoleon’s era.

Earlier in the continental wars, their backbone was already broken. They are now like a whimpering dog, only capable of wagging its tail and begging.

We have already sent additional troops to France; two hundred thousand Russian soldiers are enough to suppress any dissent. The Russian Empire has been dormant for many years, and now is the time to establish our prestige, and the French are the best targets to achieve this!”

Whether it was a time for the Russian Empire to establish its prestige was debatable, but it was definitely the moment when Nicholas II most needed to do so.

Starting from some unknown era, every new Tsar had to prove their capability in foreign wars.

The capability of a Tsar to govern was not as regarded as much as their ability to fight in war.

The fiercer the Tsar fought and the more gloriously they triumphed in foreign wars, the higher they were regarded by their people.

For instance, Nicholas I, hailed as the greatest Tsar of the Russian Empire, earned his reputation through defeating the Anglo-French forces and reclaiming Constantinople.

As for governance, a pure feudal monarch, capable of suppressing any rebellion without causing major chaos, was sufficient.

Being a stubborn monarch, once he honed in on something, it was difficult to pull him back.

Unable to persuade Nicholas II, Nobynonushev was not disappointed.

The main goal of advising the Tsar to invite allies to help quell the uprising was to end the war quickly and save on military spending, not because he was genuinely concerned about being unable to suppress the rebel army.

As Nicholas II said, the backbone of France had already been broken. This “broken” was not just a moral break, but tangible.

The domestic labor force had suffered heavy losses in the war, and the military-industrial complex was also destroyed by the allied forces. The remaining elite troops had been sent overseas by Spain to serve as mercenaries.

Including King Carlos, the upper echelons of France, although supporting the resistance organization, were all doing so covertly.

There was no choice, as the Anti-French Alliance was too powerful; even France at its peak couldn’t withstand it, let alone now.

Support for the resistance organization, inciting the public to resist, was merely to negotiate better terms, not because they were ready to openly defy the Anti-French Alliance.

If it hadn’t been for sudden developments, they would definitely have continued to keep a low profile, slowly build up strength, and wait for a change in the international situation to make their move.

Stepping out now to confront the Russians head-on might feel liberating, but behind that liberation, thousands of French people have fallen in pools of blood.

In a sense, the bloody suppression tactics of the Russian Army had also worked. While it did provoke more resistance from the French public, it also deterred the French upper class.

Non-violent disobedience was one thing, but for these high officials to openly confront the Russians was out of the question.

Execution of the whole family might not be likely, but the Russians were still capable of exacting severe punishments.

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According to incomplete statistics, in the last three months alone, at least one hundred thousand French people were killed by the Russian Army, and over five hundred thousand were deported to Siberia. The total population in the Russian-controlled regions of Paris had directly decreased by half.

Without significant figures leading the way, the numerous French resistance organizations, each acting independently, naturally could not stand up to the Russian Army.

Of course, that was the current situation. What the future held, no one knew.

Perhaps, under pressure from the Russian Army, the French resistance organizations could suddenly unite. After all, foreign invasions also aid in promoting unity among different forces.

…

Finance Minister Sergei Witte proposed, “Your Majesty, we have captured a large number of prisoners, and just holding them is a waste of food. Why not send them to build the Central Asia Railway.

This would be a good opportunity to replace the civilian workers we previously recruited who have now completed their service.”

Whether the civilian workers had completed their service was not important; Sergei Witte had his eye on this batch of free labor.

In the 19th century, building railways was no easy task. Without sufficient machinery, manual labor was necessary.

Almost every day, there were casualties at the railway construction sites. It could be said that every segment of the railway was built with human lives.

No matter how worthless manual labor was, it was still one of their own. With deaths inevitable, it was better that the enemies died than their own people.

Without any hesitation, Nicholas II immediately responded, “Have the Army Department send a message to the forces at the front to put in more effort to capture more prisoners. They will be needed for the continued construction of the Central Asia Railway.”

It was clear that when not dealing with fundamental issues, Nicholas II was still a benevolent father to the Russian people.