Holy Roman Empire-Chapter 966 - 229, Central Asia Railway

Chapter 966: Chapter 229, Central Asia Railway

Being able to rise from being a figurehead to becoming a true Emperor, Emperor Meiji was not someone who could be easily deceived. The army’s sworn “guarantee” not only failed to reassure him but instead made him feel even more uncertain.

As an insightful Emperor, Meiji was very aware of the sort of troops that European countries dispatched to their overseas colonies. Defeating a colonial army primarily composed of native soldiers was not an accomplishment worth boasting about.

Moreover, the army was not the main actor in this war. Diplomacy was the true determinant of victory or defeat, followed by the navy.

Ignoring Ozan’s assurance, Emperor Meiji spoke with measured caution, “Only three months remain until the Vienna Peace Conference convenes; we too should begin our preparations.

Prime Minister, this time you will lead the delegation personally. We do not expect the Anglo-Austrian two countries to support us, but at the very least, we must ensure their neutrality.

The Empire’s rise or fall hinges on this moment…”

Upon hearing this, Ito Hirobumi’s expression changed. Based on his understanding of Emperor Meiji, he could be certain that Meiji’s confidence had been shaken.

Sending him to Europe was not just for attending the Vienna Peace Conference but also to look for a way out, preparing for the worst-case scenario.

Anyone with clear sight could tell that attending the Vienna Peace Conference was a joke. With Japan’s current international standing, they didn’t even have the qualifications to sit at the negotiation table.

It was evident from the contents of the invitation that the Anti-French Alliance had only invited them to attend the naval auction.

When it came to establishing a new international order, it wasn’t Japan’s turn to speak. They were expected simply to comply with the outcomes once the dust had settled.

Due to the Philippine War, even for this naval auction, the Japanese Government could only play a trivial role.

This was not a matter of money. As a member of the Anti-French Alliance, the Spaniards were also one of the sellers; under no circumstances would they sell a warship to their enemy.

Even if they managed to purchase one, it would be useless, as the Spaniards would surely find ways to throttle them. The warships would not be able to return to their country before the war ended.

In this context, the Vienna Peace Conference was utterly superfluous for the Japanese Government; there was no need for the Prime Minister to get involved personally.

…

In January, St. Petersburg had donned its silver mantle. The biting cold wind rendered the streets and alleys nearly deserted.

The usually bustling Fick’s Star Cafe was now quiet. In the expansive lounge, there were only a sparse six or seven people.

From the demeanor and air of the individuals, it was clear that aside from the two main characters, the rest were bodyguards.

…

Russian Foreign Minister Oscar Ximenes, playing one of the protagonists, gestured dismissively and interrupted, “Your Excellency, the Envoy, there’s no need to repeat these unconstructive remarks.

We have never had a friendship with your country, and now Austria is our ally. It is impossible to start from us and attempt to destroy the Russian-Austrian Alliance.”

Richard, far from being offended by the interruption, instead revealed a satisfied smile.

Indeed, it was difficult for Britain and Russia to relate to the concept of friendship; over the past thirty years, the two nations had fought in two wars, resulting in hundreds of thousands of deaths on both sides.

By contrast, the Russian-Austrian Alliance, which had lasted for decades without significant conflicts, was worthy of the term “friendship.”

However, appearances can be deceiving. If the Russian-Austrian relationship were as close-knit as it seemed, there wouldn’t be a need for this secret meeting in these freezing conditions.

Richard, adept at reading people, had detected the problem during the earlier conversation.

Of course, it was more likely to be a signal intentionally released by the Russians; otherwise, Oscar Ximenes wouldn’t have emphasized the word “now” during his statement.

“Your Excellency, the Minister, I understand that there are many misunderstandings between your country and Britannia, but those are things of the past. We need to look forward.

With the end of the war on the European Continent, France’s decline has become inevitable. If we don’t act now, the new master of Europe will be Austria.

Just because your country is currently allied with Austria doesn’t mean it will always remain so. True allies only exist in the context of equal strength. Once the balance is disrupted, the situation changes drastically.

Even if your country abandoned its plans to expand westward, there’s no guarantee that Austria won’t expand eastward. After all, the only power on the European Continent that can influence Austria’s dominion is your country now.

Your true ally is Austria of thirty years ago, not the newly revived Holy Roman Empire.”

In the game of international competition, one’s gain is often another’s loss. With Austria becoming stronger, by comparison, the Russian Empire is weakened.

The British have sensed the threat from Austria’s rise, and so has the Tsarist Government. Arguably, due to proximity, the Tsarist Government’s concern is even greater.

For the sake of the Russian Empire’s interests, or rather for the Tsarist Government’s peace of mind, this secret meeting took place.

However, after making contact, Oscar Ximenes was very disappointed. The British were still employing the same old tactics of sowing discord, always asking what the Russian Empire should do and not what Britannia should do.

Breaking the Russian-Austrian Alliance isn’t out of the question, but the condition is that the benefit must be sufficiently substantial. Clearly, the British, known for wanting something for nothing, hadn’t put forward an attractive enough offer.

“You’re right, Your Excellency, but those are merely possibilities. The future has yet to come, and no one can predict it in advance.

At least for now, the Russian-Austrian Alliance remains unbreakable, and we are not going to abandon our ally just because of a possibility. So, Your Excellency, please state your purpose directly; there’s no need to beat around the bush here.”

The Russian-Austrian Alliance had developed to such an extent that it had penetrated into all areas of both nations’ affairs. It was not something that could simply be dissolved. If the relationship turned sour, both sides would suffer substantial losses.

In this context, despite wanting to curb Austria’s development, the Tsarist Government had restrained itself and taken no overt action against them. Instead, they pinned their hopes on their adversaries, expecting the British to step in and curb Austria’s growing momentum.

In this regard, Britain and Russia had similar thoughts; neither wanted to be the one to make the first move at this stage, to draw Austria’s ire and let their competitors benefit as fishermen.

“Your Excellency, the Minister, Austria’s growth is a serious threat to us both, and I believe your country would not want to live in the shadows of Vienna.

To alleviate this threat, we propose that our two countries join forces to sabotage the Vienna Peace Conference, shatter Austria’s ambition to establish a new international order, and return the international situation to an era where power is divided among three major entities, with our three nations jointly dominating the world.”

Oscar Hemenes shook his head, “We’ve felt the sincerity of your country, but it is far from sufficient.

If we sabotage the Vienna Peace Conference, the Russian-Austrian Alliance will head towards its end. The price we would have to pay is too great; it could even lead to an economic collapse within our country.

If your country backs out later, we’ll have to bear the wrath of Austria alone. The risks involved are too great, already exceeding our capacity to bear.”

Envoy Richard assured, “High risk brings high reward. As long as we can break Austria’s burgeoning momentum, all investments are worth it.

Regarding the losses your country would suffer, we can think of ways to compensate for some of it. Rest assured, we have no intention of letting our friends suffer losses.”

…

In the Gatchina Palace, holding the conditions from both Russia and Austria, Alexander III was engaged in a difficult internal struggle.

The terms given by the British suggested that, once the immediate shock had passed, the Russian Empire could possibly soar to new heights, replacing Austria as the new master of Europe.

However, the greater the potential gain, the higher the risk. In case of failure, or if the British reneged on their promises, the Russian Empire might well be doomed.

Even without suspecting the British of reneging on this issue, who could be certain in politics?

The London Government also changes every few years, and with bad luck, they might encounter a dolt who’d wreck havoc, leaving the Russian Empire in distress.

Such incidents weren’t without precedent in history; the Russian Empire itself had been a victim. If it weren’t for Peter III’s divine intervention, the Russian Empire would have become the master of Europe long ago, without all these troubles.

Of course, for Alexander III, these troubles are somewhat a blessing in disguise. After all, if Peter III hadn’t caused chaos, he wouldn’t have had the chance to sit on the Tsarist throne.

By contrast, the conditions offered by Austria were much safer, and naturally less profitable. Europe’s master was out of the question, but hopes could be pinned on becoming the master of South Asia.

Looking out the window, Alexander III asked, “How much money is needed for the Central Asia Railway, has it been assessed yet?”

Finance Minister Alisher Gurov said, “The main line of the Central Asia Railway is 3,864 kilometers long, with auxiliary lines exceeding 15,600 kilometers in total.

Not only does it have to withstand harsh climates, but it also passes through many difficult terrains. The construction is projected to last 12 years, with an initial cost estimate of 1.276 billion Gold Rubles.”

Railway construction has always been a pain for the Russian Empire. Not to compare with the well-developed countries of Europe, even the railways of neighboring British-India were better.

It’s not that the Tsarist Government hasn’t tried; their capacity just didn’t allow for more. Not only is the Russian Empire expansive, but its climate is also daunting.

Other countries can start construction directly after exploring and drawing up plans.

The situation is different for the Russian Empire; their railways must be guaranteed to operate normally even under ice and snow. Occasionally extreme weather might see temperatures plummet to minus forty or fifty degrees Celsius.

You get what you pay for, and with high standards for their railways, the construction costs were naturally higher for Russia.

Even after a railway is built, the greater challenge lies in subsequent operations and maintenance. The harsh natural climate directly increases the operational maintenance costs—effectively a bottomless pit.

In other countries, investors flock to fund railway construction; there’s no need to worry about funding. In contrast, in the Russian Empire, it’s only the government that has to pay for railway construction because the operation has been losing money for years. No profit-driven business would take part, hence the slow progress of railway construction.

If it hadn’t been for Austria’s instigation and the potential French reparations, the Tsarist Government would never have commenced the Central Asia Railway at this juncture.

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“Can the construction period be shortened?”

He didn’t request a reduction in the construction costs because Alexander III knew all too well what the domestic bureaucracy was like. If costs were cut, no one could guarantee that the resulting railway would operate smoothly.

Such folly had happened before. Previously, during railway construction, some idiot, in an effort to save expenses, had unilaterally shortened the track gauge and sleeper length.

If one carefully examined the successfully opened railways, they all had one thing in common—budget overruns.

To put it simply, they quote a low cost to start the project. Then, when the work is half done and money runs out, they force the government to invest more.

“If we let the Austrian Railway Company take on the contract, the total project time can be reduced by a quarter, with the main line able to extend to the Afghan border within eight years.

However, their bid is very high, even with us providing the labor force, it amounts to 1.886 billion Gold Rubles; if they handle the entire construction, the budget is as high as 3 billion Gold Rubles.”

Alisher Gurov was frustrated by such a pricing difference. Domestic railway companies did offer lower bids, but they invariably failed to complete the work satisfactorily. Not only was it impossible to guarantee the timeline, but additional budget was frequently required.

Austrian railway companies might ask for higher prices, but they provide reliable schedules and quality output, with a once-and-for-all price quotation. Any incremental costs later were not too excessive. In the end, the total costs might even be slightly lower.

Given this, the Tsarist Government should have brought in the Austrian Railway Company to reduce construction costs. In reality, it was quite the opposite; Austrian railway companies scarcely took on projects under the Tsarist Governnment.

It was not that the Tsarist Government was unwilling to outsource, but simply that no Austrian railway companies were willing to take orders. The reason was starkly pragmatic: the Tsarist Government was poor and payment was not secure.

So much so that nowadays, building a railway with Tsarist funding had become a bargaining chip for Austria, and a highly enticing one at that.

As long as the railway was extended to the Afghan Region, the Russian Empire would have opened its gateways to India.

For a project of such significance, the Tsarist Government naturally couldn’t afford to be careless. Misplaced trust could lead to squandered investments.

The biggest advantage of commissioning the Austrian Railway Company was safety. Everyone knew the Vienna Government wanted the Russian Empire to move south and engage in a showdown with Britain, so they would certainly ensure the quality of this railway.

In case budget issues arose mid-project, there was no worry about work stopping, as the Austrians would, with their fearless internationalist spirit, cover the costs and complete the project for them.